Los dilemas de América Latina ante la crisis (Spanish Edition)
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She has also done research on comparative European social policies. She is full professor at the Balearic Islands University. Her research is mainly in sociology of gender, social exclusion and social policy. Transformaciones en la era global Icaria the book Nancy Fraser. Dilemas de la justicia en el siglo XXI. Anahi Viladrich is a sociologist and medical anthropologist originally from Argentina, she holds a B.
Skip to Main Content. Search in: This Journal Anywhere. Advanced search. Submit an article Journal homepage. View further author information. Pages Received 21 Dec They reflect world, European and Latin American realities quite different from the current ones, different Latin American and European interests and a Latin American integration cycle that has come to an end. At this point, it is increasingly clear that the regionally-oriented strategy the EU has pursued in its relations with Latin America since the second half of the s no longer makes sense, and therefore will not serve to re-launch these ties at the end of the first decade of the 21st century.
An added problem is that the countries of Latin America do not have clear and shared ideas about the concepts that should guide their relations with the EU, nor does the latter have a new strategy, and thus a model, for its ties with Latin America. Furthermore, it is important to consider the pronounced asymmetries that exist between the EU and Latin America, and the differences in development levels and per capita income among the countries of Latin America.
These nations view bi-regional relations in starkly different terms, and this is a major obstacle to advancing toward the Bi-regional Strategic Partnership Maihold, So long as the EU keeps trying to deal with Latin America through a model typical of the late 20th century, which is the association agreement model, these relations will have a hard time advancing in a consistent and valid fashion for the countries involved. The Seventh Summit between the EU, Latin America and the Caribbean, which will be held under the Spanish Presidency of the EU in the first half of , offers an opportunity that Spain —the party most interested in developing bi-regional relations— should take advantage of by adopting a new strategy toward Latin America.
Such a new strategy should be based on elements that currently exist in relations between the two sides —political dialogue, cooperation and trade ties— and feature the following points as priorities: political dialogue, cooperation, trade, the Euro-Latin America-Caribbean Foundation, and integration of relations between Latin American and European societies into the bi-regional institutional realm. But it is also fundamental for achieving progress in cooperation, advancing consistently in trade talks under way with Mercosur, Central America and part of the CAN countries, and culminating an effective implementation of the Bi-regional Strategic Partnership.
Political dialogue is the foundation for defining a new model for relations with the region, because it is this dialogue which will allow for putting both shared and diverging interests on the negotiating table and finding common, agreed positions. Such common interests emerge in a shared drive for efficient multilateralism and bi-regional cooperation.
The latter allows for contributing to the definition of a global agenda and thus to global governance in key areas such as managing global resources, peacekeeping, climate change, food and energy security, democratic governability, the war on poverty and inequality and the fight against international organised crime. But these interests also emerge in the strengthening of the role of both regions as forces capable of acting in coordinated fashion with relative autonomy on the global stage.
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That political dialogue also allows for addressing contrasting interests, especially on trade issues in the Doha Round of talks and therefore in negotiations on Association Agreements, on the issue of investment safety, reform of the international financial system and emigration, and in finding points of agreement that favour both sides. The dialogue has to stem from the bi-regional mechanisms that already exist Alemany, , when it comes to specifying common and divergent interests at stake, setting priorities, articulating in practical terms policies of regional and bilateral cooperation, and establishing obligations on both sides.
But it also has to work in overcoming disagreements and opposing positions that hinder progress in trade talks. In all of this one must utilise not only the various forums for inter-regional dialogue —which take place with the region, with sub-regions and with countries at the bilateral level— but also specific rounds of dialogue that centre on the environment, security, social cohesion, drug trafficking and migration.
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It is clear that the division and differing political and economic viewpoints that now characterise Latin American countries —especially, but not only, among the CAN countries— make it necessary to boost bilateral or sub-regional dialogue. But even more importantly, one cannot go on with the proliferation —and subsequent fragmentation— of dialogue into many different bilateral, sub-regional and inter-regional forums, which also lack adequate mechanisms for following up on whatever agreements are reached. One possible way to overcome this compartmentalisation of dialogue is through enhancing the sector-based kinds of dialogue, which also touch on key issues in the bi-regional agenda Gratius, , p.
These sector-based kinds of dialogue also facilitate the establishment of positions on some of the most important global challenges that both regions face, and the promoting of efficient multilateralism. The latter is one of the international signs of identity of Latin America and the EU. Even with all of this, and despite the difficulties that exist, it is still necessary to work through the European-Latin American summits to institutionalise a truly inter-regional political dialogue, one that includes the issues just mentioned and features, on the Latin American side, the region as such, with an agreed agenda and common positions on how to deal with the EU.
Dialogue with the Rio Group will have a hard time serving this function. Ana Maria Raietparvar and Mariana Ruggieri, trans. Preface by Rolf Malungo de Souza. With Jeffrey Lesser. Global Square book series. With new Epilogue. London: Routledge. John Collins and Carole McGranahan, eds.
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Jasmine Gideon, ed. London: Edward Elgar. Berkeley: University of California Press. Matthew Gutmann and Jeffrey Lesser, eds. University of California Press. Dorothy Hodgson, ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press. London: Palgrave-MacMillan. Dominguez and Catherine Lutz. Browner and Carolyn F. Sargent, eds.
Sylvia Chant, ed. Edward Elgar. Oxford: Berghahn Books. Contreras Ocegueda, Eds. London: Zed.
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Faculty Profiles In the s he no longer believes that a combination of structural reforms, heavy capital accumulation, and strong international cooperation can develop countries of the periphery; to achieve this, the system needs to be transformed root and branch. It is good news that Trump treated Juncker as an equal and has understood that the EU is the key trade partner of the US. The decision of the British people to leave the EU has consequences not only for the UK but also for the remaining 27 EU member states, and more particularly for Spain.
If with more delay than expected, the aggressive and protectionist Trump has finally moved into action. The world economy seems to be rebounding definitively from the Great Recession, but many and varied risks still threaten consolidation of the recovery in The first year of Trump has been less damaging to the multilateral trade system than was originally feared, but has also allowed us to see that the US Administration maintains a clear interest in isolating itself increasingly from the rest of the world.
After several years of the global economy growing at an increasingly slower rate, most countries —including advanced, emerging and developing economies— have experienced strong synchronised growth since the middle of and especially in The authors analyse reasons accounting for the growing discontent with globalisation and the liberal establishment in advanced democracies. Greece needs to make reforms if it is to return to growth, and it is more likely that this will happen inside the euro than outside. The key is to reactivating the logic that has worked so many times before in Europe : solidarity in exchange for reforms.
The good results of eurosceptic parties in the latest elections do not imply an antieuropean sentiment, as the Eurobarometer show. The EU must undertake reforms that stabilise the economy and tackle inequality in the Member States to win back the trust of its citizens.